The bank further stated it has identified the root cause of the system glitch. Provided the evidence is clear, no one inside the bank has yet been identified publicly with the fault. Although sources do not discount intentional malfeasance and even sabotage. The BBC report appears to say there was an intentional illicit transfer of funds to select groups or individuals. The investigation did not reveal this assumption however. The government would likely keep the investigation abreast, shielding the bank from further reputation risk. In a press statement, Mr. Sano said, “the bank will do everything possible to restore trust in the coming weeks and months”.

Despite the recent controversy, CBE has made rapid strides in recent years, first to improve its balance sheet by restructuring non performing assets, non performing loans made to state owned enterprises in the previous two decades. The reorganization is part of the national drive to restructure the economy. The bank is currently undergoing rapid digitalization. 

Several universities have issued statements urging students to return any funds they may have withdrawn from the bank erroneously. In an interview with the BBC’s Newsday program last week, Mr. Abe stated that the ‘CBE was actively engaging with law enforcement to report customers involved in the incident’. He emphasized that the digital nature of transactions made it impossible for culprits to evade detection, as the bank possesses records and can identify them. Initially, media reports suggested a loss of over millions of dollars due to the technical glitch, but the bank did not provide a specific number. According to a CBE employee interviewed by the BBC, tracing money transferred to other banks is more challenging compared to funds moved within the CBE system. Prior to the realization of the issue, a total of 490,000 transactions had been processed. The CBE, established 82 years ago is Ethiopia’s biggest bank serving 46 million account holders. 

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Addressing a gathering of prominent business figures in Addis Ababa, the Prime Minister stated that his administration was in the process of completing a fresh legislation enabling foreign ownership of real estate. However, he did not specify the timeline for its presentation to parliament. “We are preparing to enact a law that permits foreigners to possess property,” he affirmed, further expressing the government’s intention to revise current regulations to broaden access to Ethiopia’s retail industry, currently limited to citizens only.

“It used to be closed, but now we’re planning to gradually open it up. Therefore, we urge you to prepare accordingly,” he remarked. Over recent years, Abiy’s administration has initiated the opening of segments within the heavily regulated economy, such as telecommunications and banking, to foreign investors. This forms part of a strategy to enhance foreign capital inflows, stimulate growth, and generate employment opportunities in the nation, which boasts a population of over 100 million people.

Ethiopia is one of Africa’s fastest growing economies, and the government has grand plans for privatization. However, these policies faced headwinds in recent years, as domestic political conflict was compounded by international black swan events, such as the Covid pandemic and the War in Ukraine. Ethiopia is currently in discussion with the International Monetary Fund to garner financial backing to galvanize its Home Grown Economic Agenda.

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Actions taken against Mr. Taye, a prominent member of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s party, comes in the wake of a series of critical social media posts he made in the past week, expressing dissatisfaction with the government’s failure to maintain peace in the country.

According to a report by Reuters, Sintayew Alemayew, Taye’s wife, disclosed that her husband was apprehended by a combination of uniformed and plainclothes police on Monday night. She also revealed that authorities have issued an ultimatum, giving her three days to vacate her residence or face eviction.

Taye blamed the government for the breakdown of the second round of peace talks between Ethiopia and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). Authorities said, ‘The week-long talks which took placed in Tanzania last month were largely unsuccessful due to unrealistic demands put forth by OLA rebel leaders.’

According to a statement broadcast on EBC, police had been surveilling Mr. Taye’s activities for months. After a judge issued a warrant, a search of the suspect’s home revealed several military communications devises, dozens of electronics, weapons, ammunition, cash, and paraphernalia representing the OLA. Authorities claim these were all part of an organized plot. The government also accused Mr. Taye of orchestrating kidnappings alongside OLA rebels.

According to Reuters news report, despite requests for comment, a spokesperson for the OLA did not respond. Taye himself was unavailable for comment, and his family had not yet enlisted the services of a lawyer, as indicated by his wife.

Although Abiy’s government released numerous political prisoners since assuming power in 2018, it has faced criticism for suppressing dissent by apprehending individuals who oppose its military engagements in various regions, according to the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

The government contends that its measures are lawful and essential to address threats to national security.

Requests for comment on the arrest directed at a spokesperson for the Ethiopian government went unanswered.

Upon his dismissal, Mr. Taye rebuked Prime Minister Abiy in a Facebook post, referring to him as a “barbarian” playing with “human blood.” Taye viewed his removal as retribution for his outspoken stance against the Abiy administration. Taye has been a rare internal critic within the ruling party, particularly regarding human rights abuses against civilians in Oromia. He was previously imprisoned for his association with the Oromo Liberation Front, a predecessor of the OLA, a group which was designated a terror entity by parliament in 2021. The group is responsible for numerous atrocities and and the displacement of tens of thousands in Ethiopia’s most populous region.

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Despite key disagreements in previous talks, both the Government of Ethiopia (GoE) and the OLA have demonstrated a willingness to engage in dialogue. It was feared that failure to agree in previous rounds may deter both parties from considering the prospect of renewed negotiations. However, given news of rebels surrendering in larger numbers may put pressure on leader to cut a face-saving deal.

There is reason to believe talks might be imminent. Commanders of the OLA, including the cryptic Jal Mero did not return to Ethiopia, remaining behind in Tanzania. They also face increased pressured to negotiate. While they remained separated from their fighters, active combat has been taking place, including recent deadly attack on civilians in which dozens of Orthodox and Evangelical Christians were killed. The regional government authorities accuse the OLA for carrying out these attacks.

The arrival of Ethiopia’s army chief, Brehanu Jula’s in Dar es Salaam yesterday was said to be a working visit, but it would not be surprising if Jula is there to partake in negotiations as well.

The unresolved issues, including the OLA’s desire to be delisted terrorist entities list, the call for a transitional government in the Oromo region, and the refusal to commit to disarmament, continues to be central to the discussions. Because these were recurring demands unequivocally rejected by the government, the OLA may want to curtail its expectation.  

A third round of talks will likely feature international mediators from Norway and U.S. Ambassador Mike Hammer. The continued engagement of these diplomats suggests a commitment to finding a diplomatic solution to the protracted conflict that has gripped parts of Ethiopia’s Oromo region for the past five years.

Given the complex nature of the conflict, marked by external influences, and shifting dynamics, the resumption of negotiations would be a crucial step toward in addressing the multifaceted security challenges faced by Ethiopia. In recent months the country’s Amhara region has emerged as the epicenter of instability. Authorities will no doubt be under pressure to subdue this rebellion quickly and begin peace talks there as well.

While the specific details of ongoing talks have not been made public, continued willingness from both the Ethiopian government and the OLA to engage in dialogue presents a glimmer of hope for a lasting peace. The presence of diplomats from the international community underscores the importance of sustained efforts to achieve a comprehensive and sustainable agreement in the interest of peace and stability in the region.

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Following failed negotiating authorities held out hopes for a negotiated settlement, despite difficulties. The fighting in Ethiopia’s most populous region has killed civilians. The OLA, which has been fighting to overthrow the government since 2018 is classified as a terrorist organization by Ethiopia’s parliament. Its forces have been involved in gross atrocities targeting civilians. Counter insurgency efforts have also harmed civilians according to the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

According to a report by Reuters News, Hailu Adugna, the communications chief of the Oromia regional government, stated, “as recently as last month the terror group had perpetrated attacks on civilians in the Arsi zone.” However, specific details regarding the toll or timing were not provided. The GoE expressed its willingness to resume peace talks if the armed group ceases its terror activities and engages in peaceful discussions.

The latest round of talks in Tanzania to resolve the five-year-long insurgency concluded on November 21 without a resolution over key disagreement. The OLA asked to be removed from the terrorist designation and for the formation of a transitional government in the Oromo region. According to GoE officials, ‘the OLA also refused to make commitments towards disarmament’. Surprisingly these were the same set of demands put forth when the first round of talks fell apart in May 2023. At the time the GoE refused these calls on constitutional grounds.

The OLA’s strength peaked in 2021 when it formed tactical allegiance with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) but has since waned, particularly after the latter entered a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) with the GoE.

Observers believe the OLA lacks sufficient organization and arms to pose a substantial threat to the government. However, latest demands do not reflect its relatively weakened position. Seyoum Teshome, an Ethiopian commentator closely associated with the Abiy government believes this paradox reflects the OLA’s external entanglements. Seyoum says, “The group is beholden to foreign entities and extremist diaspora groups based mainly in the United States and in Norway”. He adds, “given this reality I did not expect the OLA to negotiate in good faith — interestingly the mediators also happen to be diplomats from Norway and Ambassador Mike Hammer form the U.S”.

The Oromo, constituting about a third of Ethiopia’s 120 million inhabitants, remains at the center of conflict zones in the west and south. The Oromia region, positioned at the heart of the nation and encircling the capital, is marred by a multitude of issues, encompassing political divisions, land disputes, ethnic tensions, and a recent surge in criminal activities associated with OLA rebels.

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The GoE’s official statement said, ‘its commitment to halting hostilities and to mitigate the extensive harm caused by the conflict based on respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and unity of Ethiopia, along with adherence to constitutional norms was obstructed by the OLA’.

According to Ambassador Redwan Hussain, ‘despite these efforts, the talks concluded without an agreement, citing the intransigence of the OLA as the primary obstacle’. Referring to the OLA as a terrorist group, the Amharic version of the GoE’s statement further added by stating, “The obstructive approach by the rebel group and unrealistic demands were identified as key reasons for the lack of progress”. The GoE insinuated the group as beholden to diaspora-based groups and even foreign governments.

The OLA said, “True to form, the Ethiopian government was only interested in co-optation of the leadership of the OLA rather than beginning to address the fundamental problems that underlie the country’s seemingly insurmountable security and political challenges”. As in past engagements, the OLA sought a transitional regional government, a demand the GoE has repeatedly rejected on constitutional grounds.

It was hoped OLA rebel leaders would moderate their demands with a more realistic approach during these renewed talks, particularly in light of the the group’s weakened position. Assessment that it was influenced away from peace by its diaspora support base gives credence to allegations of foreign capture. As things stand, it is difficult to foresee a near future in which the rebels will muster what is needed to negotiate from a position of strength.

The peace talks highlight the intricate challenges involved in resolving the conflict in parts of the Oromo region besieged by guerrilla fighting since 2019. The complexities of the situation may necessitate continued dialogue and efforts to address underlying issues. Nonetheless, given the repeated failures to negotiate a peace deal, the GoE may be more inclined to lean towards a military solutions.

Kenyan and Norwegian diplomats involved as mediators remain unknown to the public, and have thus far refrained from making a statement.

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In past months, a peace deal with the OLA remained elusive for various reasons, which were covered at some length by two reports published by Abren, the first at the conclusion of original round of talks in May of this year, and the second and currently ongoing meeting starting earlier this month.

The same set of negotiators are present in the latest talks on the side of the GoE, with key additions of prominent military commanders, including Getachew Gudina, chief military intelligence officer for the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF). On the OLA side are field commanders, including the cryptic Jaal Merro. Outside mediators include the diplomats from Norway. During previous talks, the OLA had been represented by members of its diaspora-based political wing. Some have cited this as one of the reasons behind failure.

The OLA finds itself in a much weaker position than in past periods. The group has engaged in increasingly desperate tactics, which have invariably affected its public image negatively among what it considers its natural constituents in Oromia. Ghastly atrocities associated with the rebel group have thwarted its ability to appeal to a broader public in Oromia.

Furthermore, counterinsurgency measures by the ENDF have taken a toll on the group’s ability to conduct military operations outside of an ever-contracting zone. The alliance forged with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) back in 2021 was tactical and largely benefited the TPLF. This fact seems to have dawned on OLA leaders in the weeks and months after the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) was reached between the GoE and the TPLF in November 2022.

Recently, the OLA leadership had a split with the diaspora-based political affairs division over financial allocation, which became public. The differences with the diaspora may yet complicate matters during talks. OLA negotiators in Zanzibar recently took time out to hold a virtual meeting, as reported by BBC-Amharic, aimed at assuaging key support groups abroad. More than anything, poor prospects for continued fighting seems to have forced the group to the negotiating table this time.

Reports indicate Ethiopia’s security forces went ahead with a renewed offensive despite scheduled talks. Given the situation, some make the argument there may not be much of an army for the OLA leaders to return to at the conclusion of negotiations in Zanzibar. Nonetheless, given the sacrifices made, OLA leaders will likely seek accommodation within a new framework rather than be exiled permanently. Yet still, some leaders may choose exile.

Ending the nearly five-year-long insurgency in Oromia would be welcome news for most of the public in Ethiopia. It paves the way for further talks with Fano rebels in Amhara, whose declared raison d’être has been partly about ending ongoing atrocities targeting Amhara in parts of Ethiopia, including the Oromo region. Some make claim the OLA targeted Amhara civilians living in parts of Oromia deliberately, to stoke tensions between the Amhara region and the federal government.

The complicated and interlinked circumstance of Ethiopia’s ethnic based federation means rebel groups and armed aspirants from all sides find a level of sympathy and accommodation in government circles, despite their outlawed legal status. A representative at the Oromia regional government says, “however, it’s important to acknowledge everyone has suffered and the fighting must now end”.

Speaking anonymously a GoE official close to the matter stated , “If peace comes, and internally displaced persons continue to return to parts of Oromia, where they had resided, it paves the road for greater stability in Ethiopia.” An outcome on the ongoing talks is expected to be announced this month.

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Ethiopian officials say they are investigating allegations that both regional and federal officials were implicated. The government was initially dismayed by demands from the United States that aid agencies draw up lists of the needy independently of government involvement, describing it as an infringement of Ethiopia’s sovereignty. However, after a series of back and forth negotiations with the USAID, it was agreed the government will draw up the lists “jointly” alongside aid groups and community members.

Accoding to the Washington Post, Getachew Reda, interim leader of the northern region of Tigray, said several dozen people had been charged with theft of food aid during and after the war — mostly low- and mid-level officials. Several hundred others are currently under investigation, but no further details have been provided. In late July of 2023, a report by Abren lamented the suspension of humanitarian assistance amid a forgotten investigation.

The revised agreement reached this month stipulates that the government will relinquish its responsibility for securing warehouses, transferring control to aid agencies. Additionally, the task of compiling lists of those in need will no longer be purely a function of the government. According to the Post, there will also be an expansion of third-party monitoring and verification. Furthermore, a new restriction prohibits a single individual from collecting food on behalf of multiple families, and each household is now equipped with a photographic identity card, scanned during the collection of rations.

These new rules will be tried and tested nationwide for one year during the resumption of humanitarian assistance. The plan will require continuous monitoring and evaluation of the effectiveness of reforms. According to the Washington Post, the Government of Ethiopia has committed to granting unimpeded access to USAID and third-party monitors for reviewing various sites. The agency welcomed these latest changes.

In October, the UN’s World Food Program resumed providing U.S.-funded food aid to 880,000 refugees hosted by Ethiopia, including those from Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea and South Sudan. Some of these refugees have been living in largely UN run camps for decades. Others are more recent arrivals. For instance, in March, 2023, a UNHCR report indicated 100,000 new Somali refugees fleeing conflict in their home country arrived in Ethiopia. “The Ethiopian Government and local communities have generously welcomed the refugees, extending any help they can, but with the continuing arrivals, resources are already severely overstretched,” said Clementine Nkweta-Salami, UNHCR’s Regional Director for the East and Horn of Africa and Great Lakes Region. 

However, the majority of aid recipients in Ethiopia are internally displaced persons. This number has spiked in recent years following domestic conflicts and droughts. At its peak in 2021 the number of IDPs was approximately 5.2 million people nationwide, according to the UN. That was about 4.5% of the total population. In July 2023, the UN’s reliefweb reported IDP numbers reduced to about 4.4 million as returnees increased.

Some of these aid recipients are residing in their home villages, but are too impoverished to afford more than one meal a day, according to USAID. In these areas, village committees, comprising women, youths, religious leaders, and others, determine aid eligibility based on specific criteria. The final shortlist is made public, allowing residents two days to appeal before distribution, offering either food or a monthly $25 cash allowance.

Before the suspension of international humanitarian aid in May 2023, Ethiopia held the position of the largest recipient of U.S food aid globally. In recent years the government has drawn up plans to provide improved conditions as well as more food security by modernizing farming and markets, but these are largely long terms plans that will likely take years.

Related reports

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The existing composition of the UN Security Council primarily reflects the interests of post-World War II winners, despite significant changes in geopolitics, demographics, and economic influence. Rising economies such as India, Brazil, South Africa and Nigeria, not only boast substantial populations but also growing economic importance and nuclear capabilities, deserve a say in Council decisions. Furthermore, as contemporary conflicts are often instigated by transnational insurgencies and terrorist groups, novel forms of international cooperation are imperative.

Countries from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, representing the majority of the global population, should advocate for permanent membership in the Security Council. Despite many resolutions concerning African conflicts, these nations lack significant influence in decision-making processes, whether involving sanctions, peacekeeping missions, or decisions on military interventions.

For instance, most recently conflict in Ethiopia was brought before the UNSC a record 13 times, with no African or global south country able to temper what amounted to a witch hunt by the U.S, U.K and other European members of the council.

A key criterion for permanent membership should be a demonstrated commitment to peace, and a history of refraining from waging wars of invasion since the Council’s establishment. Additionally, to mitigate the threat of nuclear war, only countries without nuclear capabilities should be considered for permanent membership. The current reluctance for such reforms, largely due to potential vetoes from the existing P-5 members, prompts consideration of the dissolution of the Council itself.

The ineffectiveness of the UN Security Council, especially evident in its response to Israel’s assault on Gaza, underscores the futility of pretending the Council is genuinely committed to preventing wars and human rights violations. The Council’s inability to protect the human rights of all people and prevent conflicts, coupled with the potential for the Gaza crisis to escalate into a broader conflict in the Middle East, emphasizes the urgent need for accountability. If a wider war ensues, the United States, as a prominent member of the Security Council, should be held responsible for supporting an unjustified war that exacerbates the regional conflict, resulting in substantial casualties and human rights violations.

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Concurrent with this story by AS however, Ethiopian Television(ETV) reported security forces had taken offensive measures against OLA rebels in parts of Ethiopia, capturing fighters and equipment. This information clashed with assertions made that OLA representatives were meeting with government officials in good faith, to seek negotiated settlement. Fresh fighting confirms OLA’s recent accusations that the government had launched a large-scale offensive against it, “contrary to the spirit of de-escalation we had hoped for”, said the group’s spokes person, according to a report by Barron news.

Designated as a “terrorist organization” by Ethiopia’s parliament, the OLA insurgent group has been fighting the government since 2018. This conflict began when the OLA separated from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) after the latter supposedly renounced armed resistance. But the relationship between the OLA and OLF remains cryptic by design. Observers believe both groups collaborate efforts.

As reported by AS a total of eight participants representing the OLA, locally referred to as Shene were present. Four of them represent the OLA Western and Central Command, led by OLA Commander Kumsa Diriba, also known as Jaal Marroo. Two participants are from the OLA Southern Command, headed by Gemmechu Regassa, and include Ejerso Urgessa and Jiregna Gudetta, both of whom were part of the first round of talks.

On the side of the federal government, the delegation includes General Getachew Gudina, who serves as the Head of Military Intelligence for the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), and Major General Demis Amenu, who previously took part in the initial round of talks held in Zanzibar, Tanzania, in May.

Much like previous rounds, senior diplomats representing the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), as well as officials from the governments of Kenya and Norway, are said to be actively participating.

Preceding the current negotiations were a series of meetings conducted over the past weeks, involving senior officials from the federal government, the Oromia regional state, as well as two representatives from the OLA who engaged in renewed “political dialogue.” According to undisclosed sources, the “positive outcome” of these meetings has paved the way for the ongoing talks between senior military officials from both sides. The officials who took part in the preceding “political dialogue” are expected to join the signing of an agreement if the talks progress to that stage.

Past discussions fail apart over fundamental disagreements with the federal government as well with the regional authorities of Oromia. These talks were also complicated by the OLA’s fragmented structure. The rebel group lacks a clear hierarchy and is not fully in control of all its fighters.

In the first round of talks OLA put forward a proposition for power-sharing within the Oromo region via a transitional government framework. This transitional government was to include OLA representatives, members of the governing Prosperity Party, and various opposition Oromo parties, including the Oromo Liberation Front and the Oromo Federal Congress. The government, however, turned down this proposal, much like it had done previously when opposition parties had suggested a comparable transitional arrangement during the election delays caused by the Covid-19 pandemic in 2019-2020. During that period, opposition Oromo nationalist parties had aimed to assume power through the establishment of a transitional government framework.

Ethiopia’s security forces have in recent months faced revolts in the Amhara region as well. As recently as last week, the GoE is said to be in talks with rebels in Amhara, but it remains unclear whether a deal can be reached at this time. 

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The Kebele ID, which primarily identifies a person’s place of residence, currently stands as the most widely accepted form of identification. According to estimates, it is believed that between 90% and 95% of adults currently use the Kebele ID. This identification card is used in conjunction with other functional identification documents like driver’s licenses and international passports to authenticate a person’s identity.

Ethiopia’s new digital ID legislation is poised to lay the foundation for a strong and modern registration system. The proposed bill encompasses essential elements such as registration processes, authentication services, the organizational structure, data security measures, safeguards for privacy, and the legal ramifications of any breaches. This initiative is expected to usher in a modernized identification system in Ethiopia while also fostering inclusivity.

Neighboring Kenya is also in the process of implementing a digital identity system for its citizens. To illustrate, the imminent launch, scheduled for this month, will incorporate a unique personal identifiers (UPI) system, incorporating cutting-edge security elements like iris and facial biometrics, along with fingerprint identification, mirroring the features found in the current identity documents. These new IDs are intended to supplant the unsuccessful Huduma Namba initiative introduced by the previous administration in 2018.

In the forthcoming fiscal year, the initial objective is to integrate all individuals in the financial sector into a robust digital identification system. This endeavor is geared towards establishing a safer and more inclusive financial environment for all stakeholders. In accordance with the official statement from the initiative, this digital ID will function as the “primary Bank ID” and will hold legal recognition across all financial institutions.

The National Bank of Ethiopia has unveiled a collaborative initiative in partnership with the National ID Program, aiming to harness the potential of the nation’s digital identification system, known as Fayda. This initiative signifies a pivotal shift in how financial institutions in Ethiopia verify the identity of their customers, with Fayda set to become the primary means of identification for all financial transactions, as reported by Biometric Update. The overarching goal of this ambitious endeavor is to onboard all banking customers onto the Fayda digital ID platform by the year 2024, aligning with the government’s overarching agenda to foster greater financial inclusion among its citizens.

Fayda, which translates to “value” in Swahili, Amharic, and Arabic, is poised to revolutionize the process of verifying individuals’ identities for banking purposes, ushering in a more efficient, secure, and privacy-conscious system. to be a transformative force in the realm of digital identification.

Crucially, the Fayda program enjoys the backing and support of the World Bank and will leverage the Modular Open-Source Identity Platform (MOSIP). MOSIP, an open-source software, serves as a standardized framework for constructing national ID systems. Originating in India at the International Institute of Information Technology-Bangalore, MOSIP has garnered international recognition and support from influential organizations such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Omidyar Network, and Tata Trusts.

Given the ongoing political and security crisis in the country, many had feared the technology would be used by the government to profile individuals based on sectarian grounds. But the government claims ethnicity or religion will not feature in the national digital ID system. The authorities say the ID includes the individual’s name, gender, birth date, iris scan, fingerprints, along with a unique identifier code.

The World Bank’s endorsement of digital ID initiatives stems from its recognition of the vast potential they hold, especially in empowering vulnerable populations. Digital ID systems play a pivotal role in enabling individuals to assert their identities, thereby facilitating access to critical services like education, healthcare, social protection, and financial services. Governments can also capitalize on these systems to optimize service delivery, reduce costs, and combat fraudulent activities.

The compulsory adoption of digital ID for banking operations in Ethiopia represents a momentous leap forward in the nation’s drive for financial inclusion. Through the Fayda system and the technology underpinning it, which is based on MOSIP, Ethiopia is joining a global movement aimed at establishing secure, efficient, and inclusive digital identification systems. This transition carries the potential to revolutionize Ethiopia’s financial sector and empower its populace to access a diverse array of services and opportunities.

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Celebrated filmmaker Haile Gerima is on the cusp of unveiling his highly anticipated documentary, a poignant exploration into the courageous endeavors of Ethiopian patriots during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. Titled “Black Lions, Roman Wolves: The Children of Adwa,” this comprehensive six-hour documentary draws from a plethora of captivating historical clips and visuals from Ethiopia archived by colonial Italy, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Russia. A pivotal feature of this documentary is its incorporation of firsthand testimonies, gleaned from interviews with veterans of the Ethiopian war.

Gerima expounded on his aspiration, stating, “My aim was to artfully unravel the Ethiopian people’s unwavering quest for self-determination and sovereignty”. ‘The narrative of the patriotic war of resistance following the fascist invasion stretches beyond the battlefield, encompassing a battle fought within the hearts and minds of the people.’

At the age of 77, Gerima has invested more than three decades meticulously curating this cinematic masterpiece. The genesis of this project was seeded during his sojourn to Ethiopia in the early 1990s. Here, the indelible scars of war etched into the nation’s collective memory profoundly impacted him.

This documentary not only promises to recount historical events but to also offer an intimate portrayal of a nation’s unyielding spirit in the face of adversity.

The film provides valuable insights into the origins of radical ethnic nationalism, which stems from a politically driven and animosity-fueled reinterpretation of Ethiopian history. Notably, these narratives have been orchestrated and financially backed by external forces, particularly during their initial phase. Ethiopia, like many African countries also suffers from what Nigerian author Chimamanda Adicie aptly phrased as “the single story of Africa”, whereby African stories continue to be portrayed in the “African cultural meme” popular in the west. Dissemination of these stereotypes by the mainstream media has a deadly consequence of exacerbating conflict on the continent.

As nation tries to balance rights of self determination with national unity, a uniting narrative of solidarity and hope is crucial

Embedded within Haile Gerima’s interview is a pivotal message for the present generation: a call to cease the adulation of Ethiopia’s history by Western ideals and lifestyles, and instead, to embark on an introspective journey. This stance underscores one of the central takeaways from Gerima’s discourse.

At this juncture, the documentary stands poised in the final phases of post-production, with Haile Gerima actively engaging in discussions with a range of content distributors and streaming giants to secure its forthcoming release. Gerima has articulated his aspirations, underscoring the film’s potential to serve as an enlightening educational resource. Through its poignant narrative, he aims to offer viewers a profound exploration of Ethiopia’s historical chronicles, unveiling the sagas of sacrifice that its citizens have gallantly undertaken in service to their homeland.

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